The Catholic position is not that science has limits which faith
fills in, but that science and Christian belief are answering
different questions, that the historical war between them is a
documented invention rather than a record, and that the assumptions
science cannot do without (that the world is ordered, and
that our minds can reach it) are more at home in a created
universe than in an accidental one.
What Is Granted
Several things, and they should be granted plainly. Galileo was
condemned, and the condemnation was wrong; John Paul II said so
publicly in 1992, and the case remains a genuine failure rather than
a misunderstanding to be explained away. Christians did resist
geology and then evolution, and some still teach a young earth,
which is not the Catholic position and never has been. Where
believers have treated Genesis as a scientific report, they have
been corrected by the evidence, and deserved to be.
What does not follow is the general thesis. Particular churchmen
behaving badly about particular findings is a fact about churchmen.
The claim on offer is much larger, that the two enterprises
are by nature at war, and that claim is not supported by the
history.
The Warfare Thesis Has Two Authors and a Date
The idea that science and religion have been in perpetual conflict
is not an observation handed down from the Middle Ages. It was
manufactured in the late nineteenth century by two Americans: John
William Draper, in History of the Conflict between Religion and
Science (1874), and Andrew Dickson White, in A History of
the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom (1896).
White was the first president of Cornell and had a practical
motive: he was founding a university without religious affiliation
and wanted a history that justified it.
Historians of science do not hold the thesis today. It is not that
they have gone soft on religion; it is that the evidence went the
other way as the period was actually studied. The flat-earth story,
the suppression of dissection, the Church banning human anatomy,
the burning of Bruno for Copernicanism (he was burned for
theological heresies, with the plurality of worlds among the
charges): each is either false
or seriously distorted, and the standard collection cataloguing
them, Galileo Goes to Jail and Other Myths about Science and
Religion, is published by Harvard and written by twenty-five
historians, most of them not Christians. The correction cuts both
ways: the same historians reject the opposite myth of a seamless
harmony, and their preferred word is “complexity”
— the relationship varied by century, by discipline and by
person, which is precisely what a single warfare story cannot
show.
Galileo, With the Details Left In
The case is worth stating accurately because it is the one piece of
evidence everybody has. Galileo was not an outsider persecuted by
churchmen; he was a favorite of them, funded by cardinals,
celebrated in Rome, and personally friendly with the pope who
eventually tried him. Copernicus had been a canon, his book
published with a preface dedicating it to the pope, and it
circulated unmolested for seventy years.
The scientific difficulty was real: heliocentrism was not yet
demonstrated. The obvious test, stellar parallax,
could not be detected with available instruments, and would not be
observed until 1838. Galileo’s own proposed proof, that the
tides are caused by the earth’s motion, was simply wrong.
Cardinal Bellarmine’s position was that in the absence of
demonstration the theory should be taught as a hypothesis, and that
if it were demonstrated, the interpretation of Scripture would have
to be revised accordingly. That is the correct principle,
stated by the man usually cast as the villain.
None of which excuses the outcome. The Church had no business
settling an astronomical question by authority, the trial was a
disgrace, and a bad theology of Scripture was doing the damage. But
the popular version (a lone scientist tortured for the truth
by an institution hostile to inquiry) is not what the
documents show.
Who Actually Did the Science
If the Church were the enemy of inquiry, its record is inexplicable.
The university is a medieval ecclesiastical invention, and it has no
counterpart in any other civilization. Copernicus was a canon;
Nicholas Steno, who founded stratigraphy, became a bishop; Gregor
Mendel, whose experiments founded genetics, was an abbot. The
calendar we all use was reformed by a pope working with Jesuit
astronomers. Georges Lemaître, the priest who first proposed
what became the Big Bang, was arguing for it against Einstein, who
told him his calculations were correct but his physics
“abominable,” a disagreement between two
scientists rather than between science and religion.
Lemaître also supplies the best evidence against the charge of
gap-filling. When Pius XII announced in 1951 that the expanding
universe confirmed the creation of Genesis, it was Lemaître
who objected and lobbied to have the claim dropped, on the ground
that a physical theory is not a proof of a doctrine and that tying
them together would damage both. He got his way. That is a priest
defending the independence of science from a pope.
God Is Not a Gap
The god-of-the-gaps criticism is entirely justified against the
thing it names, and Catholic theology has never held it. The idea
that God is a cause among causes (one item in the chain,
intervening where the natural mechanism runs out) is a
distortion that grew up alongside early modern science and was
attacked by theologians long before it was attacked by atheists.
The classical claim is different in kind. God is not the explanation
of a particular event within the universe but the reason there is a
universe with events in it: the cause of existence itself,
operating through natural causes rather than in the gaps between
them. On that account a complete physical account of the world is
not a threat to be resisted but exactly what a rational creation
ought to yield. When someone discovers the mechanism of a thing, he
has found out how God did it. Aquinas made the distinction seven
centuries ago, and it is the reason a Catholic can accept evolution
without anxiety.
This is also the answer to Dawkins’s closing charge —
that God is a scientific hypothesis, and a poor one. A hypothesis
competes with other causes inside the world: it predicts, it can
be crowded out by a better mechanism. The classical claim does not
compete there at all, and so predicts no gap and is displaced by
no mechanism — asking science to test it is like asking a
surveyor to check whether the ground exists. The complexity
objection misses for the same reason: God is not an engineered
object at the end of the chain of assembly but the simple act of
being at its root; only things put together from parts need a
prior explanation of their arrangement. And Coyne’s
habits-of-mind contrast, fair against fideism, is answered by the
people in the previous section: Lemaître revising cosmology
and Mendel counting peas did not suspend their method at the
laboratory door. Faith fixes its conclusions the way a
scientist’s trust in the intelligibility of nature fixes
his: not as a rival to inquiry, but as the ground that makes
inquiry worth the trouble. Doubt about that is not a
method; it is the end of method.
What Science Stands On
Science operates on assumptions it cannot itself establish, because
any attempt to test them would have to use them. That the universe
is orderly rather than chaotic; that its order holds tomorrow as it
did today; that human minds, evolved for finding food and avoiding
predators, are nevertheless capable of grasping the structure of
reality at scales no ancestor encountered; that mathematics
invented on paper turns out to describe the behavior of matter, a
fact Eugene Wigner called an unreasonable effectiveness which we
neither understand nor deserve.
None of these is a scientific finding. They are convictions about
the kind of place the world is, and the founders of the discipline
held them for theological reasons: an intelligible universe was
expected because a rational God had made it, and it could be
investigated because it was contingent, made freely rather than
necessarily, so that its workings had to be discovered by looking
rather than deduced from first principles. That is precisely the
experimental attitude, and it grew from those convictions rather
than from an accident of where science began.
The Reply in Brief
And the god of the gaps was never the God of Christian theology.
The question science asks is how this universe works; the question
it does not ask, and has no instrument for, is why there is a
universe that works at all, and why it should be the sort of thing a
mind can follow. A believer expects the world to be intelligible and
expects mechanisms to be found. He has no reason to wait anxiously
for the next discovery, having been told to expect one.
The full essay documents the making of the conflict thesis and its
abandonment, works through the Galileo trial from the surviving
record, sets out the medieval origins of the university and the
experimental method, takes up fine-tuning and what it can and cannot
be made to prove, examines Lemaître’s objection to Pius
XII in detail, and treats the Catholic reception of evolution from
Providentissimus Deus to the present.